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Agricultural trade has been steadily increasing since the 1960s. Consequently, agricultural trade has become an important field in agricultural economics since the 1970s. This special issue article presents an overview of key trade theories, empirical trade models, the current status of multilateral trade negotiations, major disputes, and key forces that can shape future commodity trade. Agriculture was brought into global trade negotiations under the Uruguay Round; however, the Doha Round negotiations are beset with disagreements among WTO member countries. Further, with Trump's unilateral tariff policies, global trade negotiations are under siege, disrupting trade and potentially slowing economic growth worldwide.
 

Indonesia, commanding 42% of global nickel reserves (USGS, 2025), enforced a 2014 raw ore export ban to capture electric vehicle (EV) battery supply chain value through downstream processing. This study provides the first causal assessment of the policy's impact using intervention analysis with placebo falsification tests and scenario modeling over 2005-2025. Three key findings emerge. First, processed nickel export value surged 26-fold from USD 1.5 billion (2014) to USD 38.5 billion (2025), driven predominantly by exogenous EV demand growth (Trend beta = 4.706, p < 0.001) rather than discrete policy-induced level shifts (Policy beta = - 0.178, p = 0.581), indicating trend-mediated success. Second, export composition transformed from 18% processed (pre-2014) to 99.9% (post-2020), propelling Indonesia to 46.9% global market share. Third, this upgrading success engenders the Dependency Paradox: 68% of nickel-sector FDI originates from China, 94% of processed exports flow to Chinese markets, and HPAL technology lock-in creates switching costs of USD 1-2 billion per facility. Scenario projections for 2030 range from USD 37.2 billion (adverse WTO DS592 ruling + ESG non-compliance) to USD 80.6 billion (ASEAN-China integration + ESG compliance), exposing policy fragility. This study advances resource nationalism and global value chain (GVC) upgrading theory by demonstrating that value capture and strategic vulnerability are co-produced outcomes, challenging linear upgrading assumptions. Policy prescriptions prioritize ESG compliance (60-70% by 2030), technological diversification via Japanese-European partnerships, and ASEAN-led WTO defense.

Psoriasis is a chronic immune-mediated inflammatory skin disease affecting millions of individuals worldwide. Pimecrolimus (PMS), a calcineurin inhibitor, suppress T-cell activation thereby interrupting the inflammatory cascade in psoriasis. However, its poor aqueous solubility limits topical delivery. Wrightia tinctoria oil (WTO), a traditionally used herbal remedy, is anticipated to act synergistically with PMS in ameliorating psoriatic inflammation. Thus, the present study aimed to harness the potential of PMS and WTO by developing WTO PMS co-loaded liquid lyotropic crystals (LLC) incorporated into film forming gel (FFG) for enhanced solubilization, skin permeation and therapeutic performance. WTO PMS co-loaded LLC exhibited a mean particle size of 173 +/- 4 nm, polydispersity index of 0.225 +/- 0.03, and zeta potential of-29.6 mV. In vitro drug release studies demonstrated a sustained release pattern across the dialysis membrane. The LLCs were further incorporated into FFG base, which exhibited shear-thinning and viscoelastic behaviour, thermal stability (activation energy: 1.414 kJ/mol), bioadhesive strength (0.121 +/- 0.04 kg) and sustained drug release profile. Ex vivo permeation studies revealed a 12-fold increase in drug flux and a 2.5-fold enhancement in skin retention from FFG LLC compared to pure drug in FFG base. In vivo anti-psoriatic evaluation demonstrated marked lesion recovery, which was supported by histopathological observations and downregulation of inflammatory cytokines. Overall, the WTO-PMS co-loaded LLC-based film-forming gel presents a promising synergistic platform to overcome the solubility barrier of hydrophobic PMS and achieve effective topical management of psoriasis.
 

On April 2, 2025, President Trump implemented a new global tariff regime, including a 10% universal tariff and higher reciprocal tariffs based on trade surpluses. This article analyzes the implications of these measures under international law, particularly challenging their justification under the WTO's national security exception (GATT Article XXI). While the U.S. invokes its International Emergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA), this article argues that the scale and rationale of the tariffs likely fail to meet objective and good faith standards established by WTO panels. It highlights the U.S. approach of paralyzing WTO dispute settlement and promoting more flexible national security clauses in bilateral FTAs to legitimize unilateral actions. Ultimately, the article concludes that despite their effectiveness in prompting trade negotiations, these tariffs lack full immunity under international law, underscoring the ongoing challenge to preserve the rule-based order amidst a growing reliance on "national security" as a justification for trade unilateralism.
 

The World Trade Organisation's multilateral trading system has been pivotal to the development of stable, fair, and robust international trade, free from discrimination and protectionism. However, the protectionist policies advanced under Trump's "America First" agenda, particularly the imposition of unilateral tariffs, threaten to dismantle this carefully constructed global framework. The world has witnessed an alarming economic confrontation between the United States and China, the two economic powerhouses, marked by dramatic tariff escalations reaching as high as 145% and 125%, respectively. The ripple effects have been profound: global trade volumes have contracted, supply chains have been severely disrupted, and global value chains have undergone a rapid and inefficient realignment, resulting in a less transparent and more fragmented international trade system. This study aims to assess the extent of damage inflicted on the WTO's multilateral trading system. Adopting a primarily doctrinal legal methodology, the research critically examines relevant WTO Agreements alongside decisions of the WTO Panels and Appellate Body that have been compromised by the tariff war. A supplementary quantitative analysis compares the WTO-bound tariff rates with those imposed by the Trump administration. The findings indicate that the United States' unilateral tariff hikes constitute clear violations of core WTO commitments-most notably, the prohibition against exceeding bound tariffs (capped at 3.4% for the U.S.) and nondiscrimination enshrined in the most-favoured-nation (MFN) principle. This tariff conflict has severely undermined the WTO's rules-based the risk of a descent into trade and economic dominance by powerful States. The paper concludes with recommendations aimed at mitigating the damage and restoring the integrity of the multilateral trading framework.
 

PurposeThis study aims to comprehensively identify countries' objectives in implementing halal measures and which aspects of halal measures are raised as constraints in the WTO. It also aims to review countries' best practices in halal measures and assess their compliance with the WTO TBT Agreement.Design/methodology/approachThis research used qualitative methods of screening, categorization and benchmarking to examine case studies from relevant WTO halal cases/regulations.FindingsThis study finds that halal measures are commonly designed to achieve objectives including consumer information and labeling; prevention of deceptive practices; protection of human health or safety; quality requirements and others. Meanwhile, halal labeling and certification; facilities and logistics; traceability/verification issues; product coverage; recognition of foreign halal certification/accreditation bodies; procedural and administrative issues; and the use of international standards are commonly raised regarding their compatibility with the TBT Agreement. Moreover, six provisions have been used minimally to assess halal compliance measures, including Art. 2.1; Art. 2.2; Art 2.12; Art. 6; Art. 2.9; and Art. 2.4.Research limitations/implicationsPrimarily, its scope is confined to halal-related cases and regulations within the WTO framework.Practical implicationsThis study provides guidance for governments on how to design halal measures that align with WTO rules while still achieving their policy objectives.Originality/valueHalal cases have been minimally challenged in the WTO, making it difficult to assess the compliance of halal measures under WTO rules. This study provides guidance to be used in designing WTO-compliant halal measures that facilitate global halal trade.
 

The paper examines the implications of the 2025 US tariff reform under President Trump for EU agri-food exports and the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP). Drawing on WTO trade rules and their exceptions, we show how unilateral tariff actions legally emerge within the multilateral system, leaving EU farmers exposed to external shocks. Using baseline export data and tariff-loss simulations, we estimate that a 15 per cent tariff reduces EU exports to the US by <euro>2-4.5 billion annually, with the heaviest impact on high-value Mediterranean products such as wine, olive oil and spirits. These results confirm that current CAP instruments - particularly the Unity Safety Net (<euro>0.9 billion/year) - are insufficient, covering less than one-third of the central-case export losses. While the proposed post-2027 CAP strengthens resilience through expanded risk management and sustainability measures, it lacks a dedicated mechanism for external trade shocks.The findings support three research hypotheses: Trump's tariffs cause significant short-term export losses; the current CAP cannot mitigate them, and future reforms, though more ambitious, remain structurally under-prepared. Policy implications include the need for a trade-shock resilience pillar within the CAP, stronger alignment with EU trade policy, and diversification of export markets. Overall, the study highlights the systemic vulnerability of EU agriculture to unilateral tariff measures.
   Cet article analyse les implications de la r & eacute;forme tarifaire am & eacute;ricaine de 2025, mise en oe uvre par le pr & eacute;sident Trump, pour les exportations agroalimentaires de l'UE et la Politique agricole commune (PAC). En nous appuyant sur les r & egrave;gles de l'OMC et leurs exceptions, nous montrons comment des actions tarifaires unilat & eacute;rales peuvent l & eacute;galement & eacute;merger dans le syst & egrave;me multilat & eacute;ral, exposant les agriculteurs europ & eacute;ens & agrave; des chocs externes. & Agrave; partir des donn & eacute;es de base sur les exportations et de simulations de pertes dues aux droits de douane, nous estimons qu'un tarif de 15 % r & eacute;duit les exportations de l'UE vers les & Eacute;tats-Unis de 2 & agrave; 4,5 milliards d'euros par an, avec un impact particuli & egrave;rement lourd sur les produits m & eacute;diterran & eacute;ens & agrave; forte valeur ajout & eacute;e tels que le vin, l'huile d'olive et les spiritueux. Ces r & eacute;sultats confirment que les instruments actuels de la PAC - notamment le filet de s & eacute;curit & eacute; (<euro>0,9 milliard/an) - sont insuffisants, couvrant moins d'un tiers des pertes estim & eacute;es.Bien que la PAC post-2027 renforce la r & eacute;silience gr & acirc;ce & agrave; des outils de gestion des risques & eacute;largis et des mesures de durabilit & eacute;, elle n'introduit pas de m & eacute;canisme d & eacute;di & eacute; aux chocs commerciaux externes. Nos conclusions sugg & egrave;rent la n & eacute;cessit & eacute; d'un pilier de r & eacute;silience commerciale, d'une meilleure coordination avec la politique commerciale de l'UE et d'une diversification accrue des march & eacute;s d'exportation.
   Dieser Beitrag untersucht die Auswirkungen der US-Zollreform 2025 unter Pr & auml;sident Trump auf die Agrarexporte der EU sowie auf die Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik (GAP). Auf der Grundlage der WTO-Regeln und ihrer Ausnahmeklauseln zeigen wir, wie einseitige Zollma ss nahmen innerhalb des multilateralen Systems rechtlich m & ouml;glich sind und europ & auml;ische Landwirte externen Schocks aussetzen. Basierend auf Exportdaten und Szenarien zu Zollverlusten sch & auml;tzen wir, dass ein Zollsatz von 15 prozent die EU-Exporte in die USA j & auml;hrlich um 2 bis 4,5 Milliarden Euro reduziert, wobei hochwertige Mittelmeerprodukte wie Wein, Oliven & ouml;l und Spirituosen am st & auml;rksten betroffen sind. Die Ergebnisse best & auml;tigen, dass die derzeitigen GAP-Instrumente - insbesondere das Sicherheitsnetz (<euro>0,9 Mrd./Jahr) - unzureichend sind und weniger als ein Drittel der Verluste abdecken.Obwohl die vorgeschlagene GAP nach 2027 die Resilienz durch erweiterte Risikomanagementinstrumente und Nachhaltigkeitsma ss nahmen st & auml;rkt, fehlt ein spezieller Mechanismus f & uuml;r externe Handelsschocks. Die Analyse legt nahe, dass ein Handels-Resilienz-Pfeiler in die GAP integriert werden sollte, verbunden mit einer st & auml;rkeren Abstimmung mit der EU-Handelspolitik und einer Diversifizierung der Exportm & auml;rkte. Insgesamt wird damit die strukturelle Verwundbarkeit der EU-Landwirtschaft gegen & uuml;ber einseitigen Zollma ss nahmen verdeutlicht.
SN 1478-0917
EI 1746-692X
PD 2025 DEC 14
PY 2025
DI 10.1111/1746-692x.70010
EA DEC 2025
UT WOS:001637638800001
ER

PT J
AU Zebardast, F
   Riethmüller, MPS
   Nowick, K
AF Zebardast, Fatemeh
   Riethmuller, Michael Peter Sascha
   Nowick, Katja
TI Integrative gene co-expression network analysis reveals protein-coding
   and LncRNA genes associated with Alzheimer's disease pathology
SO SCIENTIFIC REPORTS
AB Alzheimer's disease (AD) is a complex neurodegenerative disorder marked by widespread molecular changes, many of which remain poorly understood. While AD pathology progresses through specific brain regions, it is unclear whether these regions are affected similarly. Long non-coding RNAs (lncRNAs), emerging as key cellular regulators, remain largely uncharacterized in AD. Understanding how lncRNAs interact with protein-coding genes across brain regions could shed light on AD mechanisms and progression. To investigate this, we performed consensus weighted gene co-expression network analysis on 396 postmortem brain RNA-seq samples using a meta-analytic approach. Our analysis revealed substantial network rewiring in AD, particularly in the temporal cortex compared to the frontal cortex. The temporal cortex exhibited adaptive changes in gene interactions, while the frontal cortex showed a breakdown of healthy correlations-possibly reflecting regional differences in disease progression. We identified 46 protein-coding genes and 27 lncRNAs as key components in the AD network of the temporal cortex. Using known functions of protein-coding genes as reference points, we inferred potential functions for over 100 lncRNAs across both regions. These findings highlight novel lncRNA candidates potentially involved in AD and provide insights into their roles in both healthy and diseased brain 

Liberalizing international agricultural trade has consistently been a difficult political proposition. After the establishment of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) in 1948, it took nearly five decades for governments to collectively embark on agricultural reform, which began in 1995 within a multilateral setting following the successful conclusion of the Uruguay Round (UR) of negotiations. With respect to improving agricultural market access and tariff liberalization, two significant achievements of the UR - anchored in the WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) - were the elimination of non-tariff border measures facilitated through the modality of tariffication, and the comprehensive binding of customs duties on all agricultural products in Members' Schedules of Concessions. However, the immediate market access gains from the UR were relatively modest. To enable access to each other's markets - particularly for sensitive sectors like grains, meat, dairy, and sugar, which had often been protected by non-tariff measures (NTMs) and were therefore subject to tariffication - participating Members established 'minimum access opportunities' equivalent to 5% of domestic consumption in importing countries, based on the 1986-88 reference period. In cases where countries already offered greater access than this threshold, they were required to maintain existing levels. To implement these minimum (or current) access commitments, Members in practice relied systematically on the instrument of tariff rate quotas (TRQs). More than one thousand TRQs were established in Members' agricultural schedules under the UR, and they continue to play a key role in facilitating market access for highly sensitive products. TRQs allow exporters to access markets at lower tariffs - albeit up to an agreed quantity - thus offering political reassurance to importers against potential import surges. Interestingly, several regional trade agreements (RTAs) (such as free trade agreements or customs unions) also rely on TRQs to provide market access for sensitive agricultural products at reduced rates, rather than committing to full tariff elimination, as a way to address political sensitivities surrounding agricultural liberalization. This paper examines the important continuing role of TRQs in enabling agricultural tariff liberalization within the multilateral trading system, while also highlighting several practical concerns raised by exporting countries regarding the administration of TRQs by importing countries. The article also alludes to possible remedial mechanisms within the multilateral trading system to address these concerns. The reduction in tariffs over the years - and the resulting non-application of a majority of TRQs in several Members' schedules of concessions, due to the loss of the tariff advantage they originally afforded - suggests a possible path forward: the elimination of dual tariffs under TRQs in favour of a single tariff.
 

This paper examines how China's technological progress has evolved since 1979 and its impact on global welfare. Using a multi-country Ricardian trade model and data from the 50 largest economies, we estimate China's technological trajectory over time. Although China still trails world leaders such as the United States, it has substantially closed the gap with advanced economies. Counterfactual analysis shows that had China's technology remained at its WTO accession level, global trade gains would be 3.47% lower. Conversely, a 2.5% reduction in trade costs under the Belt and Road Initiative could raise welfare gains from China's progress by 2.92%. Projections suggest that continued upgrading, together with China's economic scale, will further shape global trade outcomes. The results highlight both the opportunities and challenges China's technological trajectory poses for the world economy.
 

Purpose-This study examines the impact of the EU CBAM on South Korean steel exports. It assesses whether the CBAM induces trade diversion and carbon leakage. Additionally, it evaluates the CBAM's consistency with WTO environmental exception standards under GATT Article XX. Design/Methodology-The study combines empirical data analysis with supply chain carbon footprint comparisons. Furthermore, it conducts a legal analysis of WTO case law, focusing on necessity, legitimacy, procedural fairness, and non-discrimination. Trade flow changes before and after the CBAM are evaluated quantitatively. Findings-The CBAM has induced explicit trade diversion from major EU countries to major non-EU countries, especially for carbon-intensive hot-rolled steel. This diversion implies increase in global carbon emissions. This study identifies that its effectiveness in fostering technological innovation and reducing emissions remains limited, at least for Korean steel exports. At the same time, the CBAM raises significant concerns under WTO law, particularly regarding necessity and non-discrimination, and faces dispute risks due to procedural flaws. Originality/value-Unlike previous simulation-based analyses, this study utilizes observed trade data from 2018 to 2024 following the introduction of the CBAM in 2021, offering an empirical evaluation of its actual policy effects. The study shows that while the CBAM proclaimed to prevent carbon leakage, it has primarily led to trade diversion, with limited impact on decarbonization among Korean steel exporters. Technological shifts require time and resources; unilateral measures risk triggering retaliatory protectionism. This study contextualizes the CBAM development so far and calls for cooperative approaches to climate governance.