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by 中華經濟研究院WTO及RTA中心 顏慧欣 資深副執行長
by 顏慧欣、鄭昀欣、王煜翔
by 溫麗琪、顏慧欣、周雨蓁、王煜翔、許裕佳、鄭伊庭
by 江文基、李淳、李宜靜
by 李淳、許裕佳、蘇怡文、王儷容、王煜翔、鄭昀欣
by 徐遵慈
Taiwan WTO & RTA Center of Chung-hua Institution for Economic Resear ...
觀察近期國內外經濟情勢,烏俄戰爭導致國際能源、糧食和商品價格大幅上漲,加上中國疫情封控措施,造成全球供應鏈混亂,加重全球通膨壓力,衝擊經濟復甦;基此,中華經濟研究院WTO及RTA中心特舉辦本次研討會,以提供最新資訊與分析,促進產業及社會大眾掌握最新國際經貿情勢之發展,提早因應準備。
2021年疫情反覆持續,供應鏈重組擴大,地緣政治競爭加溫,造成國際經貿無形的威脅,全球政經體系不斷面臨著嚴峻的挑戰。2021年經歷了的動盪,2022年全球經貿情況會更好還是更壞?中華經濟研究院WTO及RTA中心特與台灣服務業聯盟協會、全國工業總會合作辦理本研討會,提供最新臺灣經濟成長預測及國際經貿的機會與展望分析,搶先布局2022!
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India now is the most populous nation on earth, but its modern international trade policy remains an under-researched area. In contrast, the literature on the trade policy of the second largest nation, China, is voluminous. It is widely appreciated that China, since acceding to the World Trade Organization (WTO) on 11 December 2001, seeks - one way or the other - an ever-more powerful role in shaping the rules of the world trading system. That aspiration remains the lodestar of Chinese trade policy.As for India, it is understood that from the August 1947 British Partition to the ballyhooed 1991 First Generation Reforms, India's trade policy was that of import substitution. Following the semi -Socialist path chalked out by its founding Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, India kept tariff and non-tariff barriers high, mandated licenses for importation, and mollycoddled domestic champions favoured by the government in the hopes of transforming its traditional agriculture into modern industry. All the while, as a founding contracting party to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and founding Member of the WTO, India put its faith in multilateralism.After 1991, import substitution seemed no longer to be the Indian lodestar. By the early 2000s, protectionism seemed back in vogue. But India also explored free trade agreements (FTAs). That, too, was irregular: India opted for a few bilateral FTAs, but stayed out of mega-deals like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). With Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi came expectations of liberalization, but also Hindutva. Redolent of America First advocated by former U.S. President Donald J. Trump, for this Hindu nationalist sentiment, words like 'globalization' and 'cosmopolitan' are pejorative, and hopes for enhancing peace through cross-border commercial interdependence undermines national security.So, what is India's trade policy about? What word best characterizes India's international trade policy since the watershed year of 1991? This trilogy of articles argues that word is 'inconstant'. Since the ballyhooed 1991 First Generation Reforms, India's approach to its trade measures, be they tariff or non-tariff barriers, and to potential FTAs, has been irregular. The lodestar is that there is no lodestar.Part One of this Trilogy might be colloquially sub-titled, 'It all started off so well, but then....' The 1991 reforms promised a genuinely new Indian approach to cross-border trade, foreign exchange (FX) rates, and foreign direct investment (FDI). The reforms sputtered amidst governance problems. India faced no less than 12 serious challenges, and desperately needed a political apparatus that reinforced open trade and investment regime.Parts Two and Three advance this argument by, respectively, critically analysing the twists and turns in Indian trade policy during the first and second terms (2014-2019, and 2019-present) of Prime Minister. Together, the three Parts indicate that if India's post-1991 past is prologue, then future Indian trade policy is uncertain and thus unpredictable. Or to put the conclusion differently, as the U.S. and its Allies navigate the many variables of de-coupling (i.e., euphemistically, de -risking) from China amidst the Sino-American trade war, they would do well to see India's trade policy as a variable, too.
本書為「國立政治大學國際經貿組織法律研究中心」 所舉辦之第十九屆「國際經貿法學發展學術研討會」論文集,收錄了 論歐盟新著作權指令草案對網路產業發展的影響國際投資保障協定「適法性條款」之適用與效力——以Fraportv. Philippines為核心 國際投資仲裁下先行裁決程序之規範與實踐 從WTO「澳洲一菸品素面包裝案」論必要性與合理性作為合法政策空間之衡噩標準 當「杜哈公共衛生宣言」遇上TRIPS-Plus——藥品專利連結是否會阻礙強制授權的實施 除上述專題論文外,本書更收錄會議當曰之WTO改革圓桌論埴及專題論文討論實錄,盼能完整呈現與會先進觀點•以饗讀者。
DLA Piper attorneys say Supreme Court justices’ deep questions into technical parts of the tax code suggest a reluctance for a sweeping ruling in a case involving corporate income tax for shareholders.
係1964年6月15日聯合國貿易暨發展委員會(UNCTAD)第一次會議結束後,由七十七個開發中國家簽署「七十七國聯合宣言」(Joint Declaration of the Seventy-Seven Countries)後正式成立。雖然目前該集團成員已經增加為一百三十個國家,但是基於歷史意義的考慮,仍沿用其原始名稱。 G77為聯合國中最大的第三世界聯盟,讓開發中世界能明確表達立場,促進集體經濟利益,以及提升在聯合國體系中的聯合談判能力,並促進開發中國家之間的經濟和技術的合作計畫。 G77各分會的工作由該分會主席統籌協調,並擔任發言人。主席由各地區(非洲、亞洲、拉丁美洲和加勒比地區)輪流擔任,任期為一年。 部長會議是G77最高決策單位,每年在聯合國紐約辦事處例會開始之時召開會議,並定期準備UNCTAD會議、聯合國工業發展組織(UNIDO)和聯合國教科文組織(UNESCO)全體大會。特別會議依需求召開,例如週年紀念會議。2004年4月的會議首次聚集了各國政府組織的領袖參加,將G77的決策層級抬高到最高的政治階層。 G77活動的資金來源為會員國或其他開發中國家所捐贈,並受聯合國贊助,舉辦全球政府與政府之間經濟合作和發展相關會議。其所頒布之聯合宣言或行動方案中,以1988年開發中國家全球貿易優惠系統協定(Agreement on a Global System of Trade Preferences among Developing Countries, GSTP)最為著名。
G77 七十七國集團